Executive Summary
In November 2019, Iran’s government announced an overnight 200% increase in fuel prices. What began as an economic protest in one city rapidly escalated into nationwide unrest across more than 100 cities — from Tehran to the oil-rich region of Ahwaz, home to the marginalised Ahwazi Arab population. The regime’s response was swift and lethal: security forces killed at least 1,500 civilians, arrested over 7,000, and imposed a week-long internet blackout to conceal atrocities. In the Ahwazi Arab port city of Ma’shour, up to 148 unarmed protesters—predominantly young Ahwazi men—were massacred in a single operation on 18 November, as forces encircled fleeing demonstrators in marshlands, set reeds ablaze, and fired heavy machine guns at close range.[1]
This was no spontaneous excess but a deliberate ethnic purge within a broader campaign of state violence. Ahwazi Arabs, who produce over 80% of Iran’s oil yet endure poverty rates double the national average, faced disproportionate casualties (over 240 in north Ahwaz/Khuzestan alone). Eyewitness accounts, verified videos, and UN findings reveal a pattern of systematic discrimination, excessive force, and impunity amounting to crimes against humanity. International sanctions and the 2022 Aban Tribunal have implicated Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and IRGC commanders, yet accountability remains elusive. This analysis draws on human rights reports, leaked documents, and expert interviews to argue for escalated multilateral pressure—targeting IRGC financing, bolstering UN investigations, and designating the IRGC as a terrorist organisation—to dismantle the regime’s repressive architecture and prevent recurrence.[2]
Roots of the 2019 Uprising
The spark was economic, but the fire was political. On 15 November 2019, the government’s sudden 200% increase in fuel prices—announced overnight without consultation—devastated already struggling households. Inflation exceeded 40%, unemployment hovered around 15–19%, and youth unemployment surpassed 30%, with educated youth hardest hit. The policy, presented by President Hassan Rouhani as “subsidy reform,” struck hardest in poor and rural areas reliant on fuel for transport, farming, and heating.
Within 24 hours, demonstrations spread nationwide. Protesters blocked roads, chanted against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and demanded not only reversal of the fuel hike but also justice, transparency, and reform. For many, particularly non-Persian ethnic groups, the uprising expressed long-suppressed frustration over structural inequality, state neglect, and cultural exclusion.[3]
In Ahwaz, protests took on a distinctly ethnic dimension. The Ahwazi Arabs demanded clean water, fair access to oil revenues, and recognition of their cultural and linguistic rights. Despite contributing the majority of Iran’s oil wealth, their region suffers from chronic pollution, high unemployment, and widespread poverty. As one activist told The Washington Institute, “We get nothing from the oil fields except smoke.”
Disproportionate Targeting of Ahwazi Arabs
Ahwazi Arabs—estimated at 8–10 million, roughly 10% of Iran’s population—inhabit the southwest provinces of Khuzestan, Abushahr, and Hormuzgan. Despite the region’s economic importance, state policy has systematically marginalised its Arab population through discriminatory employment practices, cultural repression, and environmental destruction caused by water diversion and industrial pollution.
In 2019, Ahwazi protests in Ma’shour and nearby towns like Jarahi were among the most fervent. Local triggers included the suspicious poisoning death of poet Hassan Haidari and chronic unemployment in petrochemical plants. Demonstrators, mostly youth aged, blocked roads to the industrial zone peacefully, chanting for rights in Arabic. However, the regime framed them as “dangerous for regime’s security”.
Eyewitnesses describe how, on 18 November, IRGC units arrived with Boragh armoured vehicles and DShK heavy machine guns, weapons designed for warzones, not civilian protests. When demonstrators fled into the nearby marshes, security forces surrounded them, ignited the reeds, and fired into the smoke. Verified footage shows sustained gunfire at close range. According to local medics, most victims suffered head and chest wounds.[4]
Amnesty International categorised the killings as “unlawful,” while UN Special Rapporteur Javaid Rehman documented a pattern of ethnic profiling and collective punishment against Ahwazi Arabs. Javaid Rehman also noted in 2019 that Ahwazi Arabs face “systematic discrimination” in employment, housing, and justice, with security forces using broad “national security” laws to target activists. In Ma’shour, this manifested as ethnic profiling: forces hunted Arabs in marshes, a tactic echoing colonial-era suppression. As a result, of the 1,500 nationwide deaths, north Ahwaz (Khuzestan) alone claimed over 240, with Ma’shour’s toll at 148.
The operation bore hallmarks of a planned ethnic purge, conducted under the pretext of national security. Survivors described mass arrests, torture, and enforced disappearances. The judiciary, then led by Ebrahim Raisi, prosecuted survivors for “enmity against God,” a capital charge under Iranian law. As Faisal Fulad, Executive Director of the Gulf European Centre for Human Rights, explained: “The authorities don’t just silence witnesses—they erase them. By denying the massacre, they punish truth itself.” This mirrors post-2005 suppression patterns, where Ahwaz is viewed as a “strategic vulnerability” due to oil infrastructure. Nasser Al Abyat, Director of the Alahwazi Organisation for Human Rights, states: “The regime exploits ethnic fears to legitimise collective punishment, transforming resource-rich Ahwaz into a militarised exclusion zone.”
International Response
The Ma’shour massacre prompted an international outcry. The United States sanctioned IRGC commanders Heidar Abbaszadeh and Reza Papi on January 19, 2020, for command responsibility, while the Treasury targeted Intelligence Minister Mahmoud Alavi under Executive Order 13553. The EU followed in April 2021, sanctioned eight Iranian officials, including Hassan Shahvarpour for ordering the Ma’shour massacre. In addition, the UK government in November 2022 sanctioned IRGC units in Khuzestan (north Ahwaz) for machine gun killings. By 2023, the United Kingdom sanctions over 300 IRGC figures. These measures—asset freezes, travel bans—were evidence-based, drawing from Amnesty and Reuters reports.
According to Faisal Fulad, a long-standing human-rights defender and director of the Gulf European Centre for Human Rights, “The Ma’shour atrocities transcend ordinary acts of murder; they constitute crimes against humanity. The evidence indicates a coordinated operation authorised at high levels, deliberately targeting Ahwazi Arab civilians. The international community has a legal and moral duty to investigate and ensure accountability, rather than allowing political considerations to overshadow justice.”
The 2022 Aban Tribunal, comprising international jurists, ruled Iran’s forces executed a plan of murder, torture, and enforced disappearances to quash dissent, implicating Khamenei and then-Justice Minister Ebrahim Raisi (later became president). In parallel, the United Nations mechanisms have pursued accountability: the UN Human Rights Council has established independent investigatory mechanisms and fact-finding work that has concluded the crackdown amounted to serious crimes — including findings of crimes against humanity in relation to later protests — and has called for investigations, arrests, and remedies. The UN and expert findings have already characterised the crackdown as involving systematic, disproportionate, and widespread human-rights violations necessitating international accountability.[6]
Interviewing Faisal Fulad, a veteran human-rights advocate, he emphasised that the Ma’shour case and related events are not only historical facts; they illustrate how state institutions, including the judiciary and security apparatus, can be instrumentalised to persecute non-Persian ethnic nations under the guise of law enforcement. “The Iranian authorities have turned the justice system into a political weapon,” Fulad noted. “By framing legitimate dissent as terrorism and applying collective punishment to the entire Ahwazi Arab population, they blur the boundary between justice and repression.”
These dynamics reveal a deeper crisis: when sentencing practices and use of force are driven by ethnic or political bias, the consequences reach far beyond the courtroom. Entire communities are stigmatised and intimidated; legal norms are hollowed out; and public trust in the justice system collapses. In such contexts, judicial institutions cease to be arbiters of law and instead become instruments of state control.
The Ma’shour atrocities, therefore, represent more than a local tragedy — they are a case study in how entrenched discrimination can corrode a nation’s legal foundations. Fulad argues that international mechanisms, including the UN Fact-Finding Mission on Iran and targeted sanctions frameworks, must treat these events as part of a pattern of systemic persecution rather than isolated abuses. He concludes, “without accountability, the same machinery of repression will continue to operate, only more confidently.”
“The international community must intensify pressure,” said Al Abyat, Director of Alahwazi Organisation for Human Rights. “Accountability cannot be selective; it must target those who planned and executed crimes against civilians in Ma’shour and other Ahwazi regions.” Al Abyat urged Washington to expand sanctions under Executive Order 13553 to include additional IRGC units operating in the Ahwaz region, particularly those linked to the suppression of protests. He also recommended targeting oil-related financial networks that fund these operations. “Hitting the regime’s oil-linked assets undermines its capacity for repression while sparing ordinary civilians,” Al Abyat explained.
Nasser Al Abyat also called on the European Union and the United Kingdom to follow the United States’ precedent by designating the entire Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a terrorist organisation, noting that partial designations leave major gaps in enforcement. Additionally, Al Abyat emphasised the urgent need to fund witness-protection initiatives, enabling victims, journalists, and human-rights defenders to testify safely without fear of retaliation.
Beyond sanctions, Al Abyat highlighted the critical role of UN fact-finding mechanisms, urging governments to back them politically and financially so they can gather testimony, forensic evidence, and pursue accountability through international courts or special procedures. He further stressed the importance of preserving documentary evidence and protecting witnesses, particularly refugees and civil-society actors who possess vital testimonies. “Every statement, every document, every photo matters,” he said. “They are the foundation of future prosecutions — and of truth itself.”
Conclusion
The 2019 protests and the ensuing crackdown — particularly in Ma’shour and other non-Persian regions — stand as one of the darkest chapters in Iran’s modern history. They are a stark reminder that when the justice system becomes an instrument of political power, it ceases to deliver justice at all. What happened in Ma’shour was not an aberration; it was the culmination of decades of structural discrimination, state violence, and the deliberate silencing of ethnic communities who demanded dignity, equality, and a share in their nation’s wealth.
Rigorous documentation, data-driven analysis, and principled international advocacy transformed outrage into early policy responses: targeted sanctions, official condemnations, and the activation of UN fact-finding mechanisms. These actions demonstrated that credible evidence, when combined with moral will, can lead to real-world consequences. Yet the work remains unfinished. The victims’ families continue to seek answers. Witnesses live in exile or silence. And within Iran, the machinery that enabled those atrocities remains largely intact.
Justice, in this context, is not only about punishing individuals but about dismantling the systems that allowed such violence to occur. To prevent repetition, the international community must shift from reactive condemnation to proactive deterrence — through sustained sanctions on enablers, full political and financial backing of UN investigative bodies, and coordinated protection for witnesses and journalists who risk their lives to preserve the truth.
Remembering Ma’shour, therefore, is not merely an act of grief; it is an act of global responsibility. The lessons of 2019 extend beyond Iran’s borders — they warn us of how quickly a state can normalise impunity when the world’s attention moves elsewhere. By sanctioning the perpetrators, empowering investigators, and defending those who document abuses, the international community can reaffirm that justice is not optional — it is the foundation of human dignity and international order.
The world watched in 2019; now, it must act. Only through truth, accountability, and sustained international pressure can we ensure that Ma’shour is remembered not as another forgotten massacre, but as the moment when indifference ended, and justice began. Otherwise, the genocide and disparities will continue among non-Persian ethnic groups, particularly Ahwazi Arabs.
Kamil Alboshoka is an Ahwazi researcher and international law specialist at the Dialogue Institute for Research and Studies.
References
[1] US Department of State, Iran: Commemoration of the Massacre of Mahshahr and Designation of Iranian Officials Due to Involvement in Gross Violations of Human Rights (November 2020). https://2017-2021.state.gov/commemoration-of-the-massacre-of-mahshahr-and-designation-of-iranian-officials-due-to-involvement-in-gross-violations-of-human-rights/index.html
[2] Fox News, Tribunal declares Iran committed “crimes against humanity” during crackdown of 2019 protests (30 September 2022).
[3] Washington Institute, The Iranian Regime’s Targeted Assault on Protesting Ahwazi People (11 December 2019). https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/iranian-regimes-targeted-assault-protesting-ahwazi-people
[4] Iran Wire, November 2019: The Weapons Iran’s Regime Used Against its Own People (29 November 2021). https://iranwire.com/en/november-2019-protests/70882/
[5] OHCHR, Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran (UN Human Rights Council). ohchr.org

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